Myanmar Earthquake A Call for “Do No Harm” Aid and Action in a Nation Under Siege

On 28 March 2025, a powerful 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck Myanmar, with its epicentre near the Sagaing and Mandalay Regions. As of 1 April, over 3,000 people were reported to have died, with the number expected to increase in the coming days as rescue efforts continue.1 Natural disasters starkly reveal that they do not discriminate based on country, ethnicity, race or political context. However the impact of the latest earthquake in Myanmar was particularly devastating because it struck an area already severely weakened by a confluence of past and ongoing crises: the Covid-19 pandemic, the 2021 military coup and persistent armed conflict.

The challenges facing the people in their time of need do not end here. Myanmar’s vulnerability to natural disasters is highlighted by its international ranking as one of the countries most affected by climate change, experiencing increasingly frequent and damaging events. In 2024, regions in upper Myanmar and areas of southern Shan State, which have been badly impacted by the current earthquake, were already reeling from massive landslides and flash floods caused by Typhoon Yagi. This followed the devastation caused by Cyclone Mocha in Rakhine State in western Myanmar the previous year. Community-led recovery efforts from these prior disasters were still underway when the earthquake struck, further compounding the existing suffering.

Human wrongs must also be factored in. Adding to the devastation caused by natural disasters is the relentless violence perpetrated by the military junta, which describes itself as the State Administration Council (SAC). Even during and in the days following the earthquake, aerial bombings were reported in Kachin, Karenni (Kayah) and Shan States and Sagaing, Magway and Bago Regions. This ongoing military aggression leaves the population trapped and struggling to survive in horrific conditions: nowhere is safe, neither on the ground nor from the air. Disaster after disaster, the Myanmar military demonstrates that its priority remains the consolidation of power. High-tech military equipment, such as drones and aircrafts, are deployed to kill – not to save civilian lives as we witness every day. 

This situation echoes the sentiment expressed in a poignant short poem by Saya Aung Thin, frequently shared among Myanmar peoples during times of crisis: "For the dead, breath has ceased: for the living, breath is laboured." Indeed, the years following the 2021 coup have been marked by the extraordinary struggles endured by people throughout the country in both urban and rural areas. Crisis after crisis – fuel shortages, banking emergencies, inflation, natural disasters, land grabbing, petty crimes, forced conscription and war – have struck local communities, making recovery ever more difficult. After a tentative political transition began in 2011, a once-vibrant landscape of civil society movements emerged, often acting as first responders and proving faster and more effective than international aid mechanisms. Today many elements have been crushed. 

The latest pressure on the people has come from the National Conscription Law, enforced by the junta in February 2024, which mandates that male citizens aged 18 to 45 and female citizens aged 18 to 35 must serve a minimum of two years in the military. Consequently, the young people who were the primary drivers of local civil society are now being forced to flee their homes, with some voluntarily joining revolutionary groups to fight against the military regime and others migrating to neighbouring countries in search of survival and better opportunities. The remaining population faces a suffocating combination of political and economic crises, coupled with constant insecurity caused by the escalating conflict between the military SAC and revolutionary forces, pushing everyday resilience to its limits. 

It is also crucial to acknowledge that the "laboured breath" of many people in Myanmar spans decades, reflecting systemic inequalities and oppression. The Muslim community, for example, many of whom tragically lost their lives when the earthquake struck during worship time on a Friday, were praying under the fragile roofs of mosques that have been denied necessary repairs or upgrades since the military government of Gen. Ne Win seized power in 1962. Further undermining local preparedness, the chronic state of neglect and impact of armed conflict in ethnic nationality territories have led to the underdevelopment of rural areas, leaving local populations particularly exposed to the devastating impact of disasters. While natural disasters affect all people, the degree of vulnerability is significantly shaped by social identities and the oppressive and discriminatory policies of successive regimes that have sought to retain control of the Myanmar state.

In the aftermath of the earthquake, numerous governments and humanitarian agencies pledged aid to the country and its peoples, including financial assistance and evacuation support. Even the United States, despite having recently stopped many life-saving programmes in the country and along the border, also pledged to provide help.

This renewed concern prompts the question raised by Gen-Z activists when they led the 2021 revolution against the SAC coup: "How many bodies do you need to receive your attention?" This premonition has tragically been realised in the years since, as the Myanmar military has intensified its violence against political activists, labour unions, ethnic revolutionary groups, youth movements and people from all walks of life. Based on the latest count of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), over 9,000 people have been killed, nearly 30,000 arrested and 172 people sentenced to death since the 2021 coup.2 

While the body count is tragically more than enough, international attention has been sporadic and often ineffective. The earthquake has, however, brought renewed focus on Myanmar, although for some this may be limited to humanitarian aid, while for others it could represent a strategic opportunity for re-engagement. Regardless of motivations, it is imperative that the international community adhere to the humanitarian principles of a "do no harm" approach in its engagement with Myanmar, prioritising the needs and will of the people who have been deprived of good and decent lives for far too long. To this end, it is critical to amplify and support recommendations put forward by civil society organisations regarding relief and rehabilitation efforts in the wake of the 2025 earthquake. 

To ensure effective and ethical aid delivery in the wake of the 2025 earthquake in Myanmar, it is imperative that the international community adheres to the humanitarian principles of humanity, impartiality and operational independence. To achieve this, civil society organisations strongly urge key stakeholders to consider and implement the following recommendations: 

1. Protection of Vulnerable Populations and Prevention of Further Harm

• End military abuses: The State Administration Council must be pressured to immediately cease forced conscription, the obstruction of aid delivery and the arbitrary arrest of youth relief volunteers.
• End internet shutdown and restrictions: The SAC must restore internet and communication services immediately and unconditionally, and lift all restrictions hindering people's rights to information. This includes access to the disaster zones by independent media.
• Prevent political exploitation: All actors must prevent the political exploitation of the earthquake crisis by the SAC and its allies to try and build legitimacy and strengthen oppressive rule. Emergency aid must not be provided through or to the SAC. 

2. Ensure Effective and Equitable Aid Delivery:

• Direct aid delivery: To ensure aid reaches those most in need, direct emergency relief and support for earthquake-affected populations must be prioritized. This should be achieved by facilitating assistance through local civil society networks and community-based groups. Where necessary, cross-border aid should be supported by cooperating with those social, political and revolutionary organisations that control most of the border areas in the ethnic states and regions where they run administrations of their own.
• Prioritize gender-sensitive support: Aid efforts must prioritize gender-sensitive support, ensuring access to menstrual hygiene products, safe shelters and comprehensive medical care for all women, including pregnant women, new mothers and infants.
• Provide trauma-informed care: There is an urgent and critical need to provide survivors with trauma-informed care and sensitivity to address the psychological impact of the disaster, compounded by the ongoing conflict and violence. 

3. Apply Pressure on the Military Junta:

• Increased international pressure: International governments must apply effective pressure and take decisive action against the junta, which persists in carrying out airstrikes against civilian populations.
• Targeted sanctions: Calls must be urgently amplified to key stakeholders to impose sanctions on aviation fuel and advocate for a comprehensive global arms embargo. These measures are crucial to limit the capacity of the Myanmar military to inflict further harm on suffering and vulnerable populations across the country. 

* Lahkyen Roi is the pen name of a scholar-activist, working on land, natural resources and investment issues together with local movements in Myanmar.

Links to statements from civil society organizations:

• Oway 1936 Statement
• Facebook Post – Civil Society Statement
• Facebook Post – Civil Society Statement
• Facebook Post – Civil Society Statement
• Athan Info Statement on Bluesky